With India inviting the European Union leadership as chief guests at the Republic Day celebration in New Delhi in 2026, the national event has garnered much attention. The practice of inviting a foreign head of state or government as the chief guest elevates the significance of the event beyond India’s borders.
This sophisticated form of symbolic diplomacy began with Indonesian President Sukarno in 1950. The presence of a foreign dignitary together with the Indian political leadership has continued to serve New Delhi’s geopolitical agenda since it is one of the most visible communicative idioms of the country’s diplomatic priorities and strategic direction. The pomp and ceremony of Republic Day seem to have acquired a significantly higher diplomatic weight since Narendra Modi took over as Prime Minister in 2014.
Symbolism has become a major tool in communicating India’s strategic autonomy and policy preferences, while strengthening its position as an adaptable middle-power capable of interacting with a rapidly changing world on its own terms. Symbolic diplomacy using national ceremonies is relevant for countries that are keen on enhancing their global image without using military power or economic coercion as their only means.
In a world where power often plays overt and violent roles, symbolic gestures are the means to influence the shaping of perceptions, narratives and preferences in the most delicate ways possible. Joseph Nye’s idea of “soft power” is the one that perfectly corresponds with this understanding as it points towards the state’s ability to attract other nations and convince its positions through the means of legitimacy, values, and imagery rather than brute force.
National ceremonies, especially the ones with profound historical, cultural or constitutional significance, are the most powerful occasions for diplomatic symbolism. Magnifying influence Middle-power countries such as Canada, Australia, Brazil, Japan, Norway, South Africa, Turkey, and India often resort to symbolic diplomacy to compensate for some structural limitations on military hard-power capabilities.
These countries rely on different forms of ceremonial diplomacy to magnify their influence and presence in global arena that includes multilateral engagement, niche leadership in specific policy areas, and informing the world of their values (normative signalling) not only to set global agendas but also to have their credibility recognised beyond the limits of their economic or military power. So, these countries make use of symbolic actions as part of their diplomatic toolkit, confirming their position as responsible and influential actors in the international system.
The Republic Day celebration, therefore, comes out as a powerful example of India’s middle-power diplomacy. During the Cold War era, selection of the chief guests was straightforward in terms of the diplomatic symbolism behind it. By predominantly inviting the leaders of the newly independent post-colonial countries, India was constantly highlighting its non-alignment policy and the self-image as a principled country championing national Independence.
The occasional presence of leaders of Western countries, particularly from Britain and France, was indicative of a diplomatic approach that sought to balance ideological and strategic considerations. However, the presence of Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser at the 1979 Republic Day, at the invitation of the Morarji Desai government during his nine-day visit to India, was extraordinary as Australia itself observes January 26 as its National Day.
After 2014, this practice has evolved into a more sophisticated instrument of multi-alignment. Contemporary invitations are a signal of India’s attempt to keep a fine balance between the major powers and building connections with the emerging economies and regional groupings.
This indicates not only the strategic flexibility but also a desire to steer through a multipolar world. This connotation can be substantiated by a number of instances when states intentionally employ national symbols to advance their diplomatic agendas. The Victory Day parades in Russia tend to showcase leaders of the Global South confirming a vision of a multipolar world and breaking the political isolation that the West imposes.
Likewise, strategic partners have long been included in the Chinese military parades, reasserting the ideal of the powerful and integrated nation and historical continuity that bound the achievements of the past with those of the present. The formal celebration functions as a form of strategic communication oriented towards the shaping of global perceptions and demonstration of the Chinese Communist Party’s resilience and legitimacy.
Turkiye President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has also gradually taken advantage of symbolic gestures grounded in rehabilitation of the Ottoman grandeur to stamp his authority. India’s Republic Day symbolic diplomacy is, therefore, closely similar to these activities because it employs India’s social and cultural diversities and historical pride in addition to conveying its strategic intent at the international level. Shifting priorities A closer analysis of the chief guests of India’s Republic Day since 2014 reveals that the selection is directly related to the shift in priorities of Indian foreign policy as invitations are skilfully crafted to underscore India’s diplomatic intentions.
In 2014, when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe arrived, it was an unmistakable indication of the consolidation of Indo-Japanese strategic partnership with additional focus on “Act East Policy”. It was also a subtle message of India’s growing interest in the Indo-Pacific region and a foreshadowing of the resurgence of the Quad. The most significant symbolic milestone was the invitation to U.
S. President Barack Obama in 2015 — the honour to attend India’s Republic Day had never been accorded earlier to an American President.
This was the most visible symbol of the deepening of India’s post-Cold War strategic collaboration with the U. S.
France is now the most welcome Western partner of India, as the invitations to Presidents Francois Hollande in 2016 and Emmanuel Macron in 2024 testify. This confirms that France is considered a trusted strategic ally that supports India’s interests in spheres of defence cooperation and strategic autonomy and offers it a more stable variant in comparison with other high-octane yet mercurial relationships with great powers.
The visit of Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the Crown Prince of the UAE, in 2017 emphasised the major areas of the bilateral relationship such as energy security, strong diaspora links and improved regional connectivity, indicating that India was looking to West Asia for reliable strategic partners. The 2018 Republic Day was an unprecedented diplomatic event as it brought together the leaders from all ASEAN countries to New Delhi, highlighting the ASEAN Centrality in India’s Indo-Pacific vision, and the demonstration of capability to intensify cooperation with a region that had already been recognised for its strategic and economic potential.
The subsequent invitations were in keeping with the Global South symbolism and multilateral involvements. South Africa in 2019 and Brazil in 2020 highlighted India’s commitment towards BRICS and IBSA, showcasing New Delhi’s desire to engage in South-South collaboration. After unavoidable interruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021 and 2022, the Republic Day celebrations were resumed with strategic focus.
As part of the strategy of reaching out to the West Asian region and prioritising defence and counter-terrorism, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, President of Egypt, was invited in 2023. In 2025, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto was the chief guest — a reminder of the Indian government’s diplomatic support of countries that are at the frontline of China’s rise as well as the growing importance of the Indo-Pacific region for New Delhi.
Through the invitation to President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen and President of the European Council António Costa for the 2026 Republic Day, India has signalled its intention to deepen economic and strategic engagement with Europe. The political comeback of Donald Trump in the U.
S. has brought about the uncertainty in the liberal international order.
The Trump administration’s persistent questioning of alliances and partnerships, rejection of multilateral institutions and excessive reliance on transactional approach have all contributed to the erosion of predictability on which many middle powers rely. Even though India has increasingly aligned with the U. S.
in the Indo-Pacific, there are visible tensions in areas of trade, immigration, tech restrictions and Pakistan. Furthermore, the negative influence of President Trump on transatlantic relations has destabilised the Western core, weakening the political and strategic unity that had previously characterised the Atlantic leadership.
India faces this moment with both peril and advantage: there is an obvious challenge that comes from dilution of stable relationships while the advantage lies in the potential to skilfully handle the situation to reap material benefits. It is against this background that the 2026 Republic Day invitation becomes diplomatically important. The choice of leaders from Europe, which itself is looking for strategic independence and trying to overcome post-American uncertainty, is an indication that Indian foreign policy does not need to be committed to Western coherence.
Far from it, the country needs to present itself as an independent power that can work with different power centres. The practice of inviting a chief guest in the Republic Day celebrations has become a form of symbolic diplomacy, through which India has been signalling its strategic intention, to reinforce its partnerships and deal with global uncertainties. India’s 2026 Republic Day carries greater importance due to a transforming world order characterised by fears of American retreat and mounting geopolitical rivalries.
The event not only confirms constitutional sovereignty but also asserts India’s autonomy, self-assurance, and strategic power. Vinay Kaura is an Assistant Professor at the Department of International Affairs and Security Studies of Sardar Patel University of Police, Security and Criminal Justice Rajasthan. Views expressed are personal.